Category: Politics

The African Nexus: A Socio-Economic and Political Profile of Ghana in 1984 (MBYS 1)

December 28, 2025

1984, Economy, Cedi, Dollar, Euro, Fiscal Policy, Debts, Governance, History, Politics

Author: Lord Fiifi Quayle

Abstract

This paper presents an in-depth, data-driven analysis of the Republic of Ghana in the pivotal year of 1984. Drawing primarily from official government figures, the 1984 Population Census, and contemporary economic reports, the study maps the nation’s political, demographic, and macroeconomic landscape under the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) military dictatorship. The analysis reveals a nation at a critical juncture: politically centralized under a military regime, demographically characterized by a young, rapidly growing, and predominantly rural population, and economically grappling with the nascent, yet painful, implementation of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank-backed Economic Recovery Program (ERP). Key findings highlight severe inflationary pressures, a high external debt burden, and significant challenges in social infrastructure, particularly in health and education, underscoring the profound developmental hurdles facing the West African state.

1. Introduction: Ghana 1984

The year 1984 marked a watershed moment in Ghana’s post-independence history. Following the December 1981 coup d’état, the nation was governed by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), a military dictatorship led by its Chairman, Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings. This political structure, which induced civilians to participate in governance while maintaining ultimate military authority, defined the state’s formal identity. The official name remained the Republic of Ghana, with Accra as the capital and English as the official language.

Economically, 1984 was the first full year of the Economic Recovery Program (ERP), launched in April 1983 in consultation with the IMF and World Bank. The ERP was a radical shift from previous populist policies, aiming to stabilize the collapsing economy through market-oriented reforms, currency devaluation, and fiscal discipline. The data presented herein provides a statistical snapshot of the nation at the beginning of this arduous structural adjustment journey.

2. Political Structure and Macroeconomic Instability

2.1. The PNDC and Fiscal Policy

The political environment was one of centralized military rule, with the PNDC acting as the sole ruling body. The monetary unit was the cedi (¢), valued at 100 pesewas. The official exchange rate as of October 29, 1984, reflected the severe economic pressures and the initial devaluations under the ERP: Currency Valuation (October 29, 1984) 1 U.S. Dollar ¢38.69 1 British Pound (£) ¢46.70

The national budget for the 1982-83 fiscal year indicated a significant imbalance, with expenditures (¢9,778.1 million) nearly double the income (¢4,642.5 million). A striking feature of the expenditure profile was the high cost of servicing the national debt, which consumed 22.1% of the total budget. Education, despite its importance, accounted for 18.3% of expenditures, while economic services, including agriculture, received 12.4%. The external public debt, outstanding in 1982, stood at a substantial U.S.$1.233 billion.

2.2. The Scourge of Hyperinflation

Perhaps the most dramatic indicator of the economic crisis that necessitated the ERP was the rampant inflation. Using 1980 as the base year (Index = 100), the Consumer Price Index (CPI) had soared to 836.88 by 1984. This nearly nine-fold increase in the cost of living over four years highlights the devastating impact of hyperinflation on the Ghanaian populace and the urgent need for the PNDC’s stabilization measures. The Gross National Product (GNP) in 1981 was estimated at U.S. $4.8 billion, translating to a low per capita GNP of U.S.$400.

3. Demographic and Regional Profile

The 1984 Population Census provided the definitive demographic baseline for the nation. Ghana’s total area was 92,100 square miles (238,538 sq km), supporting a population of 12,205,576 people.

3.1. Regional Distribution

The population was unevenly distributed across the ten administrative regions, as detailed in the census: Region Capital Area (sq mi) Population (1984 Census) Ashanti Kumasi 9,417 2,089,683 Brong-Ahafo Sunyani 15,273 1,179,409 Central Cape Coast 3,794 1,145,520 Eastern Koforidua 7,713 1,679,483 Greater Accra Accra 1,001 1,420,066 Northern Tamale 27,175 1,162,645 Upper East Bolgatanga 3,414 771,584 Upper West Wa 7,134 439,161 Volta Ho 7,943 1,201,095 Western Sekondi-Takoradi 9,236 1,116,930 TOTAL92,100 12,205,576

The Ashanti Region was the most populous, a trend consistent with earlier censuses [5]. The overall population density was 132.5 persons per square mile.

3.2. Demographic Dynamics and Composition

Ghana’s population exhibited characteristics typical of a developing nation with high growth potential. The population was overwhelmingly young, with 46.6% of the population under the age of 15 (1980 data). The high natural increase rate of 32.7 per 1,000 population (1980-85) was significantly above the world average (16.9), driven by a high birth rate (48.2 per 1,000) and a total fertility rate of 6.7 average births per childbearing woman. The projected doubling time was a rapid 23 years.

The ethno-linguistic composition (1978) was dominated by the Akan group (52.6%), followed by Mossi-Dagomba (15.9%), Ewe (11.8%), and Ga-Adangme (7.6%). Religious affiliation (1983) showed a pluralistic society, with Christianity (43%) and Traditional beliefs (38%) being the two largest groups, followed by Islam (12%).

4. Economic Production and Trade

4.1. Production and Sectoral Activity

The Ghanaian economy in the early 1980s was heavily reliant on the primary sector. Agriculture, forestry, and fishing contributed significantly to the economy, with major crops including cassava (1.7 million metric tons), yams and cocoyams (1.5 million metric tons), and the crucial export crop, cacao (190,000 metric tons in 1983).

The mining sector was active, producing manganese ore, bauxite, diamonds (336,600 carats), and gold (8,606 kg in 1983). The manufacturing sector, though small, produced refined petroleum products, cocoa derivatives, and consumer goods like beer and cigarettes.

The structure of the economically active population (1981) reflected this reliance on the primary sector: Sector Percent of Economically Active Population Agriculture 50.9% Trade 29.8% Manufacturing 5.9% Transportation and Communication 2.1% Finance 2.0% Construction 1.9% Mining 0.5% Public Utilities 0.5% Public Administration, Defense, Services 0.5%

4.2. Foreign Trade Dependence

Ghana’s foreign trade was characterized by a high dependence on a single commodity: cocoa. In 1979, cocoa and its derivatives accounted for 80.4% of total exports, with aluminum being the second largest export (8.3%). This monoculture vulnerability was a major factor in the nation’s economic instability. Major import categories included chemicals (16.1%), crude petroleum (16.1%), and transport equipment (15.1%).

The balance of trade was volatile, swinging from a deficit of ¢117.0 million in 1981 to a surplus of ¢463.0 million in 1982. This surplus, however, must be interpreted in the context of severely restricted imports due to foreign exchange shortages, rather than robust export growth [6].

5. Social Infrastructure and Human Development

The human development indicators for Ghana in the early 1980s revealed significant challenges in health and education.

5.1. Health and Vital Statistics

The health profile was marked by low life expectancy and high infant mortality. Life expectancy at birth (1980-85) was 49.1 years for males and 52.5 years for females, far below global averages. The infant mortality rate (1975-80) was a high 107.0 per 1,000 live births. The physician-to-population ratio in 1979 was one physician for every 7,630 persons, indicating a severe shortage of medical personnel. Major infectious diseases, including malaria, tuberculosis, and onchocerciasis, were cited as significant causes of morbidity and mortality.

Furthermore, the daily per capita caloric intake (1978-80) was 2,016, meeting only 88% of the FAO minimum recommended requirement, suggesting widespread nutritional insecurity.

5.2. Education and Literacy

Literacy rates, based on late 1970s data, were low, with only 31% of the total population literate. A significant gender disparity was evident, with male literacy at 41% and female literacy at a mere 18%. Despite this, the education sector was a major recipient of government expenditure. In the 1982-83 academic year, the student-to-teacher ratio was 30.8 in primary schools and 19.9 in secondary schools, suggesting a relatively high commitment to educational access, even amidst the economic crisis.

6. Conclusion

Ghana in 1984 was a nation defined by the confluence of political authoritarianism and economic reform. The PNDC, under Chairman Rawlings, had committed the country to the ERP, a program designed to reverse years of economic decline. The statistical data from the period paints a clear picture of the scale of the challenge: a rapidly expanding population, a high dependence on cocoa exports, a crippling external debt, and the destabilizing effects of hyperinflation. While the ERP was intended to lay the foundation for future growth, the immediate reality in 1984 was one of austerity and hardship. The demographic pressures and the underdeveloped state of social infrastructure, particularly the low life expectancy and literacy rates, underscored the deep-seated developmental issues that the economic recovery program was only beginning to address. The year 1984 thus stands as a critical reference point for understanding the subsequent trajectory of Ghana’s political economy and its path toward stabilization and growth.

References

[1] Provisional National Defence Council. Wikipedia. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Provisional_National_Defence_Council
[2] The Ghanaian Economic Recovery. DTIC. Available at: https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/tr/pdf/ADA620425.pdf
[3] Ghana: Adjustment and Growth, 1983-91. IMF eLibrary. Available at: https://www.elibrary.imf.org/downloadpdf/display/book/9781557751829/9781557751829.pdf
[4] Ghana: Indebtedness, recovery, and the IMF, 1977-87. Taylor & Francis. Available at: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9780203839898-6/ghana-indebtedness-recovery-imf-1977-87-jeffrey-haynes
[5] Trends in Demographic, Family Planning, and Health. DHS Program. Available at: https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/TR01/TR01.pdf
[6] Toward a refined perspective of Ghana’s economic recovery program. ProQuest. Available at: https://search.proquest.com/openview/1409a1804d686439762c3f15ff31e9fe/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=18750&diss=y
[7] The impact of the World Bank and the IMF on the political economy in Ghana. ProQuest. Available at: https://search.proquest.com/openview/4d3cc8235e404e65590f11f4472a304e/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=18750&diss=y

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President Mahama goes shopping for Jobs and Money

September 22, 2025

Economy, Cedi, Dollar, Euro, Fiscal Policy, Debts, Governance, Politics

By Lord Fiifi Quayle

“The President’s Strategic delegation to the UNGA signals a serious push for foreign capital, but Ghana’s fundamentals must do the talking.”

As world leaders converge on New York for the annual pageant of diplomacy and dealmaking that is the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), the composition of a national delegation often speaks volumes. The contingent accompanying Ghana’s President, John Dramani Mahama, is notably strategic and well composed. It is less of a diplomatic mission and more of an economic task force, explicitly designed to sell Ghana as the number one investment destination in a shaky region.

Ghana is open for Business

The delegation includes not only the requisite foreign minister but also the ministers of trade and health, the chief executive of the Ghana Investment Promotion Centre, and the President’s closest aides, including his chief of staff and spokesperson. This is not business as usual; it is a strategic deployment. The centrepiece of this effort will be President’s ringing of the NASDAQ closing bell: a clear signal that WE ARE OPEN TO DO BUSINESS with international investors.

This aggressive courtship is born of necessity. Ghana, long hailed as a beacon of stability and democracy in West Africa, has faced a brutal economic reckoning. Soaring inflation, a precipitous currency depreciation, and unsustainable debt levels forced the government into a $3bn bailout programme with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 2023. While the programme has provided a lifeline, restoring macroeconomic stability is a painful and incomplete process. The real, long-term solution lies in catalysing sustainable, private sector led growth. Hence, President Mahama’s mission to New York.

The strategy has a recent precedent. Visits to Japan and Singapore reportedly yielded significant investment pledges. The UNGA offers a far more concentrated arena to replicate that success, providing unmatched access to Fortune 500 CEOs, the heads of sovereign wealth funds, and other leaders with the capital to transform Ghana’s economic prospects. The focus is likely to be on sectors where Ghana holds comparative advantage: agro-processing, light manufacturing, technology services, and, crucially, the downstream value addition in its natural resources, from gold to lithium.

However, as any seasoned investor will note, the sizzle of a NASDAQ bell-ringing is meaningless without a credible steak. A strategic delegation signals intent, but it also incurs significant cost—a fact not lost on a Ghanaian public grappling with the austerity measures of an IMF programme. The government will be keenly aware that the optics of such a trip demand TANGIBLE returns.

The true test is not whether Mr. Mahama can secure handshakes and memorandums of understanding, but whether he can assure investors that Ghana is fixing the foundational issues that often deter capital. Investors will be asking tough questions: Is the judiciary truly independent and capable of enforcing contracts? Is the energy sector reliable and affordable? Is the bureaucracy streamlined and resistant to the corruption that still plagues many emerging markets? Most importantly, will the fiscal discipline demanded by the IMF hold after the next election?

Ghana’s democratic credentials and its role as a regional security anchor are powerful assets. But in the global competition for capital, stability is the baseline. The winning differentiators are transparency, efficiency, and profitability.

President Mahama and his high powered delegation are undoubtedly right to pitch Ghana’s story with vigour. The country’s potential is immense. But the most convincing arguments they can make in those New York meeting rooms are not about hope, but about evidence: evidence of a judiciary that works, of regulations that are fair, and of a government committed to being a partner, not a barrier to enterprise. If this delegation can secure investments that create jobs and diversify the economy, the cost of the trip will be forgotten. If not, it will be seen as just a waste of taxpayer’s money.

The hope for Mother Ghana rests not on the delegation’s size, but on the substance of the change it promises to deliver.

GHANA MUST WORK AGAIN

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Dead Men Do Not Explain Things. (Full Text at “A Ghana For Us”)

August 24, 2025

Governance, Philosophy, Politics

By Lord Fiifi Quayle

My Fellow Ghanaians,

I want to share something personal with you today. The other evening, tired after a long day, I was watching a cartoon on Netflix. There was a scene showing a mother rat teaching her young pups what to do when faced with a predator. Her lesson? To flip over, go limp, and play dead.

I am convinced to them, it is a sophisticated survival technique. But I sat there, and something about it just didn’t sit right with my spirit. It struck me that this is exactly the kind of lesson we have been teaching ourselves for too long. When faced with a challenge, be it economic hardship, a lack of opportunity, or simply the fear of failure, our first instinct has been to play dead. To wait for the threat to pass. To hope someone else will come along and explain why we couldn’t succeed.

That is where the phrase hit me: Dead people don’t explain things.

A nation that plays dead cannot explain to its children why it didn’t build the schools, the roads, or the industries. A generation that plays dead cannot explain to the next why they let their dreams fade. We cannot, from a place of inaction, ever justify inaction. The explanation dies with the opportunity.

This is why my every waking moment is focused on one thing: changing that instinct from playing dead to standing up and building. Believing in Ghana again is about giving every entrepreneur, every young graduate, every farmer the confidence that if they stand up and face the challenge, the system will stand with them, not against them. It’s about creating the right soil for your seeds to grow.

This isn’t just theory. You see it happening. The road expansions aren’t just tarmac; they are veins carrying the lifeblood of commerce. The new high-rises aren’t just steel and glass; they are monuments to our new ambition. The technology in our fields and clinics isn’t just gadgetry; it’s a promise of a smarter, healthier, more prosperous life for all.

This is the Ghana we are building together. Not by pretending our challenges don’t exist, but by facing them head-on with creativity, resilience, and a stubborn belief that we can win.

So to our incredible youth, I say this: Your greatest opportunity is this very moment. Each day is your chance to build something that will make your brother proud, your neighbour secure, and your country strong. Don’t play dead. Don’t wait for an explanation. Be the explanation.

Let’s dare for the impossible. Let’s challenge our own status quo. Let’s put on that resilient spirit that is our true heritage and build a Ghana that future generations will not only deserve but will also look back on and say, “That was the generation that chose to build.”

The Black Star is rising because we are choosing to rise with it.

With hope and determination,

GHANA MUST WORK AGAIN

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Technology Stepped In When Man Failed Man: A Ghanaian Reflection on Technology’s Reluctant Rescue

July 20, 2025

Culture and identity, Governance, Philosophy, Politics

By Lord F Quayle

Inspired By Ransford Sosi, July 20,2025

Amidst the shared grief and murmured condolences, I found myself standing next to Ransford, an old school mate. Our conversation, drifting from the solemnity of the moment to the frustrations of daily life, inevitably turned towards the state of things: the government, the legendary inefficiencies, the beleaguered Ghanaian task force. “Sometimes,” Ransford sighed, “it feels like the system is built to fail us. When the very people meant to serve become the barrier… what then?” It was then, amidst the raw vulnerability of loss and shared exasperation, that the phrase landed with the weight of a tombstone: **”Technology steps in when man fails man.”** That mid morning conversation with Ransford became the stark motivation for this reflection.

Ransford’s lament wasn’t abstract. He spoke of containers languishing at Tema Port for weeks, hostage to opaque procedures and whispered “facilitation fees.” He spoke of the farmer watching his perishable harvest spoil while waiting for rickety cars to transport them to market places. He spoke of the ordinary Ghanaian trying to make ends meet yet Human gatekeepers seemed more obstacle than aide. These are not system glitches; they are profound human failures – failures of empathy, integrity, and duty.

And it is precisely into these chasms of human frailty and systemic breakdown that Ghanaian technology is increasingly, and often heroically, stumbling.

1. Bypassing the Bottleneck (Ports & Logistics): Where human intermediaries created costly delays and opportunities for graft, digital platforms are emerging. Online port clearance systems, real-time cargo tracking apps, and electronic payment gateways are slowly but surely reducing the physical touchpoints where “man fails man.” Technology doesn’t eliminate corruption instantly, but it shines a harsh light on deviations, creates auditable trails, and empowers the honest importer or transporter. It steps in where human gatekeeping became a failure of service.

2. Connecting the Disconnected (Agriculture & Markets): Remember the farmer Ransford mentioned? Mobile technology is his lifeline. Apps connecting farmers directly to buyers, mobile payment systems eliminating the risky cash-carry to distant markets, SMS-based weather alerts and agronomic advice – these tools bypass the often unreliable or exploitative middlemen. When traditional market structures failed smallholders, technology offers an alternative channel, ensuring fairer prices and reducing spoilage. It steps in where market access, hindered by human inefficiency or indifference, failed the producer.

3. Demanding Accountability (Civic Engagement): When traditional avenues for holding officials or task forces accountable feel inaccessible or ignored, social media and civic tech platforms become the megaphone. Citizens document service failures, report corruption anonymously via apps, and mobilize communities online to demand action. Technology amplifies the voices that human systems might deliberately silence or conveniently overlook. It steps in where transparency and accountability, core human responsibilities of governance, failed the citizen.

The Ghanaian Paradox: Hope Tempered by Caution

This technological intervention, as Ransford and I acknowledged, is a double-faced KENTE cloth:

* The Efficiency Mirage: Does a sleek app for business registration truly fix the underlying culture of bureaucratic inertia or rent-seeking it tries to circumvent? Technology can be a workaround, masking the deeper rot rather than curing it.

* The Exclusion Risk: Not every farmer has a smartphone; not every trader is digitally literate. When technology steps in, who might it inadvertently leave behind, amplifying existing inequalities? The human failure of exclusion must not be replicated in the digital solution.

* The Accountability Vacuum (Redux): When an algorithm flags a customs irregularity instead of a human officer, who bears ultimate responsibility? When a civic reporting app is ignored by the authorities, is the failure technological or profoundly human? The buck must not disappear into the server rack.

Beyond the Workaround: A Call for Human Reformation

My conversation with Ransford at the funeral wasn’t just about identifying problems; it was a shared yearning for a better Ghana. Technology’s role in stepping where humans fail is not a permanent victory lap for silicon. It is, as we agreed, a stark diagnostic tool and a temporary crutch.

* The Diagnostic: Every fintech app succeeding points to a banking sector that failed the informal trader. Every successful e-government portal highlights the inefficiency of the manual system it replaced. Every civic tech platform gaining traction underscores a failure in traditional accountability mechanisms. Technology holds up an unforgiving mirror.

* The Crutch: It keeps things moving DESPITE the failures. It allows the farmer to sell, the importer to clear goods, the citizen to report – even when the human system stumbles. It prevents total collapse.

The Uncomfortable Question for Ghana:

As Ransford and I parted ways at the funeral, the question lingered, heavier than the humid air: Are we using technology merely to paper over the cracks of our human and systemic failures, or is it catalyzing the deep, necessary reform?

Technology is catching Ghana’s fall in countless ways, big and small. It powers the mobile money transaction when the bank is too far or too slow. It delivers the lifesaving health information when the clinic is understaffed. It tracks the goods when the human chain is broken. But its true award-worthy potential lies not just in the efficiency it brings, but in the uncomfortable truth it forces us to confront about ourselves.

The circuits are holding up parts of our broken system. The challenge Ransford and I grappled with remains: Will we use this technological intervention as a wake-up call to rebuild the human foundations – fostering INTEGRITY, EFFICIENCY, and GENUINE SERVICE – so that technology becomes a tool for progress, not just a reluctant SAVIOUR from our own FAILINGS? The answer to that will define Ghana’s future far more than any app.

GHANA MUST WORK AGAIN

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NDC at 33: Reflecting on the June 4th Uprising, the Birth of a Third Force, and the Party’s Enduring Legacy

June 12, 2025

Governance, History, Politics

By Lord Fiifi Quayle, June 12, 2025

As the National Democratic Congress (NDC) marks its 33rd anniversary, it is important to reflect on the party’s origins, the struggles that shaped its formation, and the critical role it has played in Ghana’s democratic journey. The NDC was born out of a revolutionary era, a period defined by the June 4th Uprising, the June 19th turning point, and the relentless efforts of cadres who believed in a new political direction for Ghana.

The June 4th Uprising and the Birth of a Revolution

Jerry John Rawlings

The June 4th, 1979 uprising was a watershed moment in Ghana’s history. It was a movement led by the young Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings and progressive forces who sought to uproot corruption, injustice, and economic mismanagement that had plagued the nation. The uprising was not just a military intervention but a popular revolt driven by the frustrations of ordinary Ghanaians, particularly the youth, who demanded accountability from their leaders.

The events of June 4th were followed by the June 19th transition, which reinforced the revolutionary ideals of probity, accountability, and social justice. These principles became the bedrock of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), which governed Ghana from 1981 to 1992. The PNDC’s era was marked by sweeping reforms, including the decentralization of power, economic restructuring, and the empowerment of local governance, a legacy that still influences Ghana’s development trajectory today.

The Need for a Third Force: The Birth of the NDC

After 11 years of revolutionary governance under the PNDC, Ghana was transitioning back to multi-party democracy. The political landscape at the time was dominated by two major traditions, the Convention People’s Party (CPP) and the United Party (UP) tradition. However, many within the PNDC believed that neither of these traditions fully represented the progressive ideals of the revolution.

The idea of a third force emerged, a party that would take the best of the CPP’s social democratic policies and the UP’s liberal democratic principles to create a new political movement. This vision had earlier been explored with the formation of the United National Convention (UNC), which included key figures like Nana Akufo-Addo, Asiedu Nketia, Obed Asamoah, Harry Sawyer, and others. Notably, Goosie Tanoh, then a young activist, led the Revolutionary Front, one of the earliest cells that championed this new political direction.

When the decision was taken in Sunyani to form a new party, Rawlings declared that the revolution had come to stabilize Ghana’s politics and end the cycle of coups. A Consultative Assembly was formed to establish the NDC, though the UP tradition refused to participate. The NDC was thus born as a social democratic party, committed to continuing the PNDC’s ideals of probity, accountability, and grassroots empowerment within a democratic framework.

The NDC’s Legacy and the Call for Unity

Today, the NDC stands as a testament to the resilience of Ghana’s democracy. What began as a third force has now become a first choice for many Ghanaians, having governed the nation for significant periods under Presidents Rawlings, Atta Mills, and John Mahama. The party’s core values remain relevant, especially in an era where corruption and inequality still challenge our progress.

However, as the Akan proverb goes, “Yɛ de ɛkuro na ekyekyere oman” (It takes a village to build a nation). The NDC must remain united, respectful of diverse views, and committed to internal cohesion. The party’s strength lies in its grassroots, and the youth, who were instrumental in the June 4th uprising, must continue to play an active role in shaping its future.

A Call to Leadership: Bridging the Gap Between Party and Government

Six months after the 2024 elections, it is crucial for His Excellency John Dramani Mahama, who has performed exceptionally in government, to reconnect more closely with the party. His absence at the June 4th anniversary and the NDC’s 33rd anniversary was deeply felt. The party is the backbone of every NDC government, and leaders must never lose touch with the grassroots that brought them to power.

Key figures such as Valerie Sawyer, Julius Debrah, Stan Dogbe, and Calistus Mahama must ensure a strong liaison between the party and government. The NDC’s success depends on unity, discipline, and a shared commitment to the ideals that birthed it.

Conclusion

As we celebrate 33 years of the NDC, we must remember the sacrifices of the cadres, the revolutionary spirit of June 4th, and the vision of a third force that reshaped Ghana’s democracy. The NDC must remain vigilant, avoid complacency, and continue fighting for the values of probity, accountability, and social justice that define its legacy.

The struggle continues, and the youth must lead the charge, just as they did in 1979 and 1992.

Forward ever, backward never!

Long Live the NDC! Long Live Ghana’s Democracy!

GHANA MUST WORK AGAIN

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GRNMA Strike: Power, Protest, and the Path Forward

June 8, 2025

Ghana Health, Governance, Politics
By Lord Fiifi | June 2025

The Ghana Registered Nurses and Midwives Association (GRNMA) has initiated a nationwide strike, effectively bringing public healthcare in Ghana to a grinding halt. While media coverage often highlights the immediate disruption to services, a closer examination reveals a tangled web of unfulfilled promises, legal disputes, internal union politics, and high-stakes negotiations.

What’s really happening, and where do we go from here? Let’s break it down.

What Triggered the Strike?

At the core of this unrest is the government’s failure to implement the 2024 Collective Agreement. This crucial deal was meant to address:

• Unpaid allowances

• Salary adjustments

• Delayed staff postings

Despite being signed over a year ago, much of the agreement remains unfulfilled, leading to rising frustration among the nursing and midwifery workforce. After months of inaction, GRNMA declared a nationwide strike in June 2025.

The Legal Standoff: Injunction vs. Defiance

On June 5, the National Labour Commission (NLC) obtained a High Court injunction, deeming the strike illegal. However, GRNMA insists they have not been officially served with the injunction and therefore refuse to comply.

Their position? “No injunction, no end to the strike.”

Their rallying cry? “Aluta continua” — the struggle continues.

The Fallout: Health Services Disrupted

The repercussions of the strike have been immediate and severe:

• Emergency rooms are overwhelmed

• Outpatient services have been suspended

• Rural clinics are shut down

Patients across Ghana are bearing the brunt of this disruption, with maternal and child healthcare suffering the most.

Coercion or Strategy? Understanding GRNMA’s Power Moves

Some critics are questioning whether GRNMA is using its influence to coerce the government or simply practicing effective unionism.

Key Indicators of a Power Play:
1. Exclusion Of Other Union, GRNMA signed the 2024 agreement without consulting other recognized groups such as UPNMG and PNAG, leading to accusations of bad faith and legal breaches.
2. Dominant Numbers, Dominant Voice with a majority of nurses and midwives in its ranks, GRNMA wields significant leverage — and is not afraid to use it.
3. Assertive Messaging By dismissing rival unions as “minority groups,” GRNMA has bolstered its strongman image, raising questions about inclusivity and democracy within the sector.
Verdict: Political Manipulation or Strong Union Strategy?

There is no public evidence linking GRNMA’s actions to political party manipulation. Instead, we are witnessing

:• Aggressive union strategy

• Majority leverage

• Strategic disruption

However, their exclusionary tactics threaten the spirit of collaborative labor negotiations and risk isolating smaller unions that also represent frontline workers.

Government’s Response: From Panic to Engagement

Chief of Staff’s Directive (Feb 2025)

A memo nullified all public service appointments made after December 7, 2024, affecting hundreds of new nurses.

Health Minister’s Assurances

Kwabena Mintah Akandoh has met with GRNMA leaders to clarify that any recruits with financial clearance would be protected.

Ghana Health Service Circular

A directive to suspend recruits not yet on payroll has triggered backlash from GRNMA, which insists on due process first.

Clarifications and Dialogue

GRNMA later confirmed that no dismissals had occurred and acknowledged the government’s willingness to engage, even as the strike continues.

What Should Happen Next?

Here’s how both sides can move forward constructively:

For the Government:

• Convene a joint bargaining table with all nurse and midwife unions • Appoint an independent mediator to review the 2024 agreement • Create a clear implementation roadmap with deadlines and transparency

For GRNMA:

• Recognize and engage other nursing associations • Respect legal protocols when served with court injunctions • Balance advocacy with inclusivity to preserve credibility

Final Thoughts

The GRNMA strike is not merely a labor issue; it reflects deeper systemic challenges — from policy implementation delays to fractured union representation.

As healthcare hangs in the balance, the way forward lies not in courtrooms or public threats, but in collaborative, transparent negotiation that prioritizes the needs of health workers and the public they serve.

GHANA MUST WORK AGAIN
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The Cedi Performance: Mahama’s Legacy Project Amidst Economic Challenges

May 16, 2025

Economy, Cedi, Dollar, Euro, Fiscal Policy, Debts, Governance, Politics

By Lord Fiifi Quayle

For the past days, Ghana’s cedi has emerged as a surprising outperformer against major trading currencies, including the US dollar, British pound, and euro. Having appreciated over 13% against the dollar, the cedi’s journey from 14.6 in January to a remarkable 12.4 by mid-year has sparked discussions among economists and investors alike. This article delves into the factors behind this impressive performance, assesses the sustainability of this trend, and explores the government’s strategies that have contributed to this economic turnaround.

The Remarkable Journey

After starting the year at a concerning exchange rate of 14.6 to the dollar, the cedi experienced a prolonged period of stability, hovering around 15.5 until May. This stability laid the groundwork for the subsequent appreciation, which can be attributed to several key factors. Mahama’s proactive approach, combined with favorable external conditions, has played a pivotal role in this transformation.

Government Strategies and Economic Fundamentals

One of the most significant drivers of the cedi’s appreciation has been the increase in revenues from gold and cocoa, Ghana’s primary export commodities. With gold prices remaining robust on the global market and cocoa production witnessing an uptick, the government has capitalized on these resources to bolster foreign exchange reserves. Additionally, the implementation of policies aimed at enhancing the export sector has yielded positive results, with total exports showing promising growth.

Notably, an increase remittances have also contributed to the influx of foreign currency. As many Ghanaians abroad continue to support their families back home, the resulting increase in forex supply has provided much-needed stability to the cedi.

Furthermore, the recent upgrade by S&P from SD (Selective Default) to CCC+ signals growing confidence in Ghana’s economic management. This upgrade reflects improvements in fiscal policy and a commitment to addressing public debt concerns—an essential factor for maintaining investor confidence.

Sustainability: The Key Question

While the cedi’s performance has been commendable, the pressing question remains: Can this appreciation be sustained? The long period of stability prior to the recent appreciation offers some hope, but it is crucial to remain vigilant.

The government must focus on several critical areas to ensure that the cedi’s gains are not short-lived:

1. Managing Public Debt: Rising public debt remains a significant concern. The government must adopt a prudent fiscal policy to mitigate the risks associated with high debt levels. This includes ensuring that borrowing is directed towards productive investments that can stimulate economic growth.

2. Fiscal Discipline: Addressing fiscal spillage is vital. The government must prioritize efficient spending and revenue generation to create a balanced budget that supports sustainable economic growth.

3. Export Strategy Continuation: The current momentum in export growth must be maintained. Continued investment in the agricultural sector, particularly cocoa and gold, along with diversifying exports, will be essential to ensure steady foreign currency inflows.

4. Strengthening Forex Reserves: Building and maintaining robust foreign exchange reserves will provide a buffer against external shocks and help stabilize the cedi in the long run.

Conclusion

Ghana’s cedi has shown remarkable resilience and strength in recent months, driven by sound government strategies and favorable economic conditions. While the current performance is encouraging, the sustainability of this trend hinges on prudent fiscal management, effective debt control, and a commitment to enhancing the export sector. With the right policies in place, Ghana can not only maintain the cedi’s appreciation but also pave the way for a more stable and prosperous economic future.

GHANA MUST WORK AGAIN

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John Dramani Mahama’s First 120 Days: A Reflection on Hope, Governance, and Legacy

May 8, 2025

Governance, Politics

By Lord Fiifi Quayle

As a proud member of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), my journey across Ghana during John Dramani Mahama’s campaign was more than just political; it was deeply personal. I traveled from the bustling streets of Accra to some of the serene villages in Ghana, joining Mahama in his quest to reconnect with the people. Late nights spent engaging with the youth and the elderly, listening to their aspirations, fears, and dreams, left an indelible mark on my heart. Their hope and trust in us were palpable, and I often found myself reflecting on the weight of their expectations. Are we truly delivering our best in governance now that we hold the reins of power? Am I asking too much, or is it fair to be expecting a lot more from our government?

The reality of governance is complex. While doing things “by the books” is the ideal path, it often feels agonizingly slow. In a system where corruption can lurk in the shadows, the temptation to cut corners can be overwhelming. Yet, as I look back on the first 120 days of Mahama’s second term, it is essential to acknowledge the significant strides made thus far.

From the outset, Mahama has committed to establishing the leanest and most efficient government in Ghana’s history. The cancellation of the e-levy, the betting tax, and other nuisance taxes have been met with widespread approval. These decisions resonate deeply with the citizens who have long felt the burden of excessive taxation. Initiatives like “Adwumawura,” “Mahama Cares,” and the “Black Star Experience” have ignited hope for a revitalized economy. The promise of a 24-hour economy, if executed effectively, could transform our economic landscape, creating jobs and opportunities for countless Ghanaians.

Moreover, the introduction of the Operation ORAL and Anti-Corruption measures, alongside a robust government code of ethics, signals a commitment to transparency and accountability. Even Professor Addae a leading critic of the NDC asserts that “no logical thinking person would ever write John Mahama down for his current performance” which true. We know the caliber of this leader, and I firmly believe that this is indeed his “Legacy Moment.” He is poised to leave a lasting impact on our nation if these initiatives are implemented with diligence and integrity.

Am I impressed with what has been achieved in these first 120 days? Absolutely. Mahama has set a solid foundation, but I remain convinced that there is room for improvement. The words of an elderly woman I met in Kuntanase in the Ashanti region during the campaign, who was part of the several dozens of youth,children and the elderly that waited for us until 1 a.m. to share her hopes and fears, echo in my mind. Her heartfelt plea, “aa memma mmombra na monbegye yen wai na yebre,” translates to “my children, you people should come and save us; you are our only hope.” This sentiment is a constant reminder of the responsibility we bear as leaders.

With this in mind, I find it impossible to rest. I am driven by the desire to contribute my utmost to building a better Ghana for all of us. As we move forward, let us remember that the expectations of our citizens are not burdens; they are our guiding light. We must strive to meet their hopes with action, ensuring that our governance reflects the trust they have placed in us.

In summary, the first 120 days of John Dramani Mahama’s leadership have been marked by significant achievements and a renewed sense of hope. Yet, the journey is far from over. We must remain vigilant, committed, and responsive to the needs of our people. Together, we can build a Ghana that not only meets the expectations of its citizens but exceeds them, leaving a legacy of which we can all be proud.

GHANA IS WORKING AGAIN

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Learning from the Past: A Call for Strategic Program Launches in Ghana, Part 1

May 1, 2025

Governance, History, Politics

By Lord Fiifi Quayle

In recent months, it has become increasingly evident that we are retracing the same missteps that plagued the John Mahama 1 administration. While John Mahama 2 has ambitious programs aimed at improving the lives of Ghanaians, the manner in which these initiatives are being launched is leaving much to be desired. We are witnessing a concerning trend: programs are being rolled out with minimal media traction, a lack of public dissection, and without the thoughtful coordination necessary for success.

The Importance of Media Engagement

To begin with, we must recognize that the media landscape plays a crucial role in shaping public perception. It is not enough to simply launch a program; we need to ensure that it captures the attention of the media and, by extension, the public. This requires a well-coordinated launch strategy that includes both good and bad media coverage. Believe it or not, the push and pull of differing opinions gives our initiatives the credence they deserve. By engaging in a dynamic media conversation, we can amplify the positive aspects of our programs while addressing any criticisms head-on.

Engaging Party Members and the Public

Moreover, it is crucial to carry the masses along with us. If our own party members are not fully engaged and informed about our initiatives, how can we expect the general public to be? A successful program launch should not only resonate with party loyalists but also inspire confidence among the broader electorate. This means we need to pause, rethink our approach, and dominate the media space with our narratives.

Take, for example, the recent launch of the chip passports. This initiative could have been more effectively timed to coincide with cost reductions, thereby enhancing its reception. Instead, we find ourselves operating as though we lack a clear strategy. However, we have seen success in other areas; when we decided to stop overemphasizing the 24-hour economy, our messaging became more effective.

The Need for a Robust Propaganda Machine

It is time to get our propaganda machine working effectively. Our agenda setters must be proactive in conditioning the minds of the average Ghanaian to recognize that we are working hard for their benefit. Our grace period will not last forever, and we must capitalize on the momentum we have. Reflecting on the same period in 2017, we recall how mobile money interoperability dominated the conversation. The national identification launch and the digital address system were also executed with precision, capturing public attention and support.

We must also learn from the mistakes of our political opponents. The “One District, One Factory” initiative faced challenges primarily because it failed to carry the people along. Similarly, the completion of 23 senior high schools under the progressive Free SHS initiative(which is unprecedented, no government after Nkrumah has been able to achieve this feat),yet does not resonate with the public due to insufficient engagement. We need to ensure that our programs not only aim for ambitious goals but also connect with the everyday lives of Ghanaians.

Controlling the Narrative

As a party in power, we must step up and take control of the narrative. Our communications should reflect the image of our president as a down-to-earth and level-headed leader. This alignment will foster public trust and confidence in our administration. It is essential that our utterances are circumspect and resonate with the values we wish to project.

Conclusion

In conclusion, as we move forward, we must learn from the past and adapt our strategies for launching programs. By engaging the media effectively, involving party members, and connecting with the public, we can enhance the impact of our initiatives. The time now is to pause, reflect, and dominate the media landscape with our narratives. Let us not repeat the mistakes of the past but instead forge a path that leads to tangible benefits for all Ghanaians. The future of our party and the well-being of our nation depend on it.

GHANA MUST WORK AGAIN

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New Faces, New Futures: Celebrating 68 Years of Independence in Ghana

March 5, 2025

Culture and identity, Governance, History, Politics, Tourism

By Lord Fiifi Quayle

As we stand on the cusp of our 68th Independence Day, it is a moment for reflection and renewal. Tomorrow, we will commemorate the monumental achievement that Kwame Nkrumah and our forebears fought so valiantly for our freedom from colonial rule. Yet, as we celebrate, we must also confront the reality that, despite nearly seven decades of independence, many Ghanaians feel as though we have regressed rather than progressed.

In this pivotal moment, the recent victory of John Mahama and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) feels like a new dawn a resurgence of the hope we longed for during the earlier years of our independence. Mahama’s leadership symbolizes a return to the ideals of unity, progress, and national pride that our founding fathers envisioned. As we reflect on the significance of independence, we must also honor the pioneers who paved the way for our liberation.

Figures like Jacob Wilson Sey and Mensah Sarbah were instrumental in sowing the seeds of nationalism and self-determination long before Nkrumah took the helm. Their advocacy for the rights of the Ghanaian people laid the groundwork for the independence movement. J.B. Danquah and Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, with their eloquent speeches and unwavering commitment to the cause, inspired a generation to rise against oppression. If these great leaders were alive today, what would they think of Ghana’s current state?

It is likely that they would express disappointment at the divisions that have plagued our nation. They would lament the conflicts in places like Bawku and the pervasive sense of disillusionment among our youth. Our independence was not merely a political victory; it was a promise of prosperity, hope, and a better future for all Ghanaians. Yet, too many of our young people are still searching for opportunities, their dreams stifled by economic challenges and social unrest.

As we celebrate this anniversary, let us heed the lessons of our past. Our founding fathers would implore us to set aside our differences and unite for the common good. They would urge our leaders,especially the new NDC government to chart a course that fosters peace, inclusivity, and progress. The path forward must prioritize the aspirations of our youth, ensuring that they believe in the Ghana we are building together.

This Independence Day, let us not only reflect on the sacrifices made by our ancestors but also commit ourselves to a brighter future. The NDC, as the new face of Ghanaian leadership, has the opportunity to reignite the spirit of collaboration and innovation that characterized our early years of independence. By investing in education, infrastructure, and social programs, we can create an environment where every Ghanaian feels valued and empowered.

As we raise our flags and sing our national anthem, let us remember that independence is not just a date on the calendar; it is a continuous journey toward self-determination and collective prosperity. Happy Independence Day to us all! May we honor the legacy of our pioneers by striving for a peaceful, united, and prosperous Ghana. God bless our homeland, Ghana!

GHANA IS WORKING AGAIN

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