By Lord Fiifi Quayle

Since its establishment in 1992, Ghana’s Fourth Republic has been celebrated as a model of democratic resilience in West Africa. However, the recent developments within the Eighth Parliament raise urgent concerns about the integrity of our democratic institutions. The 2020 elections marked a historic shift, resulting in a split Parliament where the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) held an equal number of seats, alongside an independent candidate. This unprecedented balance ignited hopes that Parliament would finally serve as a robust check on executive power. Unfortunately, the reality has exposed alarming weaknesses that threaten the very foundations of our democracy.

Initially, the Eighth Parliament was seen as a potential bulwark against executive overreach. With the Speaker elected from the opposition and committees evenly divided, many anticipated a new era of accountability. Yet, three years into this split legislature, the anticipated checks and balances have largely failed to materialize. While there have been moments when Parliament has stood firm—such as the rejection of certain loan requests and the budget for the redevelopment of the Accra International Conference Centre—these instances have been overshadowed by a troubling pattern of capitulation to executive authority.

The situation has grown increasingly concerning with the involvement of the Ghana Army in parliamentary affairs. Twice, military personnel have intervened in what should be purely legislative matters, raising alarms about the potential for a return to military rule. Such interventions are not only a stark reminder of Ghana’s turbulent past but also a sign of the deepening dysfunction within our democratic institutions. If a member of the military had chosen to escalate tensions, the consequences could have been dire for our democracy.

The absence of Adwoa Sarfo, a prominent MP, for months—during which an imposter was brought in to act on her behalf—further underscores the troubling state of affairs. This blatant disregard for democratic norms signifies a government willing to bend the rules for its selfish interests. Such actions undermine the very essence of representation and accountability that democracy demands.

Moreover, what happened between Carlos Ahenkorah and Honorable Muntaka exemplifies the fracturing of democratic discourse within Parliament. Ahenkorah’s behavior and his willingness to undermine parliamentary decorum while serving the government’s interests did not only escalate tensions but also erode public trust in the legislative process. This kind of behavior is not merely a personal failing; it is indicative of a broader trend where partisan loyalty supersedes the commitment to democratic principles.

The Eighth Parliament has also failed to address significant issues of absenteeism among MPs, with many members missing a substantial number of sittings. Attempts to hold these members accountable have stalled, reflecting a broader malaise within the institution. Furthermore, the Parliament’s challenges to act decisively regarding the Minister of Finance, Ken Ofori-Atta, amid widespread calls for accountability for the country’s economic woes was particularly disheartening. Despite a bold call from 98 ruling party MPs for the president to sack Ofori-Atta, intervention from party leadership led to a backtrack, illustrating the pervasive influence of party politics over accountability. Eventually he was dismissed, few months to elections.

Perhaps most concerning is the Eighth Parliament’s failure to effectively monitor public expenditure. The Auditor-General’s 2021 report flagged GHS 17.4 billion in financial irregularities, yet Parliament has not taken meaningful action to address these findings. For the first time and perhaps since independence the 2022 budget was rejected, it took the executive and party machinery to get the budget approved. The lack of accountability in handling public funds not only undermines public trust but also raises questions about the very purpose of Parliament.

In light of these challenges and more, it is imperative for leaders like Afenyo Markins, the president, and the judiciary to prioritize the preservation and defense of Ghana’s democracy. Instead of engaging in unnecessary drama, they must commit to fostering a culture of accountability and transparency. Afenyo Markins, as the leader of government business, has a crucial role to play in ensuring that Parliament functions as a genuine check on executive power. The president must recognize that true leadership lies in unifying the country and addressing the concerns of all Ghanaians, not merely those of the ruling party.

The judiciary, as a pillar of democracy, must also uphold the rule of law and ensure that its decisions reflect impartiality and justice. When the judiciary appears to be swayed by political interests, it further erodes public trust in democratic institutions.

The Eighth Parliament stands at a critical juncture. The initial promise of a balanced legislature has been overshadowed by a series of disappointments, particularly in its capacity to hold the executive accountable. The time has come for Parliament to reclaim its role as the guardian of democracy in Ghana. With few days remaining in this parliamentary term, there is an urgent need for a renewed commitment to integrity, transparency, and public service. Only by doing so can Ghana restore faith in its democratic institutions and ensure that the voices of its citizens are heard and respected. The future of Ghana’s democracy depends on it.

Article (1) of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana provides: “(1) The Sovereignty of Ghana resides in the people of Ghana in whose name and for whose welfare the powers of government are to be exercised in the manner and within the limits laid down in this Constitution.

THERE IS STILL HOPE FOR GHANA